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The Bandung Conference

By Selena Cai

In the decade after World War II, countries unevenly reacted to Global Cold War ideologies and developed novel ideas about post-colonial sovereignty. One of these visions includes Asian-African Internationalism, which sought to promote ideals of global decolonization, international peace, and economic development. The movement began with a conference organised by India in 1947 that brought together governmental, non-governmental, and non-sovereign leaderships from Asia, Eastern Africa, and the Middle East. Over the next decade, Asian-African Internationalism would become an informal association of governments dedicating themselves to supporting various causes towards post-colonial futures.

The most famous conference linked to Asian-African Internationalism is the Bandung Conference, held between 18-24 April, 1955. Hosted in Indonesia, the conference brought together representatives from 29 nations to consolidate ideas on international cooperation from the Global South. Apart from official delegations, non-governmental observers, informal guests, and self-invited participants arrived as well. The conference had 4 intended purposes: to promote goodwill and cooperation between nations in Asia and Africa; to consider mutual social, economic, and cultural problems and relations between represented countries; to consider problems of special interest like national sovereignty, racialism (term for racism written then), and colonialism; and to promote peace and cooperation. Accordingly, the conference was divided into Political, Economic, and Cultural committees.

Despite the fact that many sources indicate excitement about the “Bandung Spirit,” a phrase used in historical papers and by Cold War historians to praise the decolonial fervour, the conference faced several controversies from the onset. Some of the contentions include critiques of communist colonialism, ideological alignment in the broader Cold War context, and potential regional alliances. Yet, these tensions and contradictions also highlighted the need to condemn imperialism, even if Bandung’s delegates could not agree on its definition. Accordingly, delegates at Bandung vocalised their concerns with global development politics and the postwar international economic order. In the Final Communiqué, delegates communicated a set of principles under the following headings: Economic Co-operation, Cultural Cooperation, Human Rights and Self-determination, Problems of Dependent Peoples, Other Problems, and Promotion of World Peace and Cooperation.

Delegates in the Economic committee approached economic development through discourse on independence, expertise, and technocracy, defining economic progress alongside political independence, decolonization, and national development. Amidst criticisms of the International Monetary Fund, Bretton Woods institutions, and the United Nations, Bandung offered a chance for countries from the Global South to develop an alternative economic vision. Simultaneously, countries scrutinised overreliance, the impact of the colonial economy, and the growing fervour towards atomic energy. To this end, several delegates introduced potential solutions and policy mandates. For instance, China’s foreign minister, Zhou Enlai, pushed for a potential Afro-Asian payment union” to recategorize countries based on currency “blocs” and advocated for long-term procurement agreements.

The final communique called attention to the urgency of economic development but was careful to maintain respect for national sovereignty and countries who desired to use foreign capital and assistance. Countries agreed to provide mutual technical assistance through experts, training programs, and research institutes for imparting technical knowledge alongside existing international agencies. To grow individual country’s capacities, the communique recommended processing raw materials, where feasible, to diversify exports, and examining alternative forms of transit for trade, such as railways specific to the geographies of their respective countries. Additionally, the conference encouraged more localised and intraregional facilities, such as national and regional banks and intra-regional trade fairs.

Beyond the national level, the communique recommended a series of approaches to international organisations at the time; it asked for a Special United Nations Fund for Economic Development, the allocation by the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development of a greater part of its resources to Asian-African countries, and the early establishment of the International Finance Corporation that would include equity investments and encouragements for joint ventures. Additionally, they recommended collective action to stabilise primary commodities, on the road to unifying at the UN Permanent Advisory Commission on International Commodity Trade.

Although the conference at Bandung is remembered as the peak of Asian-African Internationalism, the movement influenced many subsequent movements in the Global South that tried to promote formal decolonization. Internationally, it led to the establishment of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) in 1961, then the Group of 77 (G77) in 1964. Regionally, several instances of South-South cooperation and solidarity emerged, including the African Union, Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) among many others. These, and many other decolonial developments, point to an effort towards political and economic decolonization.

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